Trick or Treat: A History of Halloween by Lisa Morton
This sober and well-researched assessment of an academically
under-studied subject taught me a lot of things I didn’t know, despite having
been a passionate fan of Halloween my entire life. As a whistlestop tour of a (chronologically,
geographically, culturally) vast subject, it felt a bit light on analysis in
places, but no doubt it will pave the way for future focused and serious
studies.
As is often the case, we owe misunderstandings about
Samhain, the Celtic pagan festival, to an aspiring antiquarian, Charles
Vallancey, who decided, with no evidence, to translate Samhain (pronounced “sow-en”)
as a day of death, rather than “summer’s end.” Morton cites archaeological evidence that
Samhain may have been the one Celtic festival of the year when there was ready
access to alcohol, and it seems likely that there were apples a-plenty at the
feasts. Contrary to fond historical hopes, however, there seems to be no Roman
lineage in Halloween—the festival of Pomona is a myth and “November was the
dullest month in the Roman calendar” (18).
When evidence is thin on the ground, Morton doesn’t leap to
conclusions. Therefore, the thread is
picked up from prehistory at about 1000 CE when Samhain is co-opted into All
Souls’ Day. “The official explanation
given for the new festival [in the Christian calendar] was that it would offer
the living a chance to pray for the souls of the deceased” (19). I was pleasantly surprised to see that I was
not the only one who saw connections between the Christmas-time Lords of
Misrule and Halloween. If you think the
Christmas run-up is long these days, consider that at 1598 account[1] sees
Christmas celebrations going from early November to early February! Curiously, it seems that witches and devils
are not associated with Halloween until the reign of James I. “Halloween was [then] forever to be firmly
associated with witches, cats, cauldrons, brooms and the Devil” (23).
It has always puzzled me slightly when people suggest that
Halloween is a purely American invention.
“For about 40 years, Guy Fawkes and Halloween existed peacefully side by
side,” as I suppose they do now in Britain, until 1647 when Parliament banned
all festivals except Guy Fawkes. (How
strictly the ban on Christmas was enforced is another story.) Unsurprisingly,
in the years after the 17th century, it was Scotland and Ireland
that did the most in terms of celebrating Halloween as an entity distinct from
All Saints’ Day, Guy Fawkes Day, and Martinmas; if we have Robert Burns to
thank for New Year’s customs, we have Sir Walter Scott to thank for popularizing
the romantic, fortune-telling aspects of Halloween. But then, Burns, too, contributed to
Halloween in his poem “Hallowe’en.” I’d
never heard of Halloween cabbage before, though—it was used in some of the
fortune-telling games. Morton speculates that the ritual insistence on the
number three in fortune-telling games goes back to Celtic mythology.
Meanwhile, there are some delightfully creepy Welsh Halloween
traditions.
The Welsh were believers in the custom of the church porch, in which those who were brave enough to stand by the church windows at midnight on Halloween might hear a sermon delivered by Satan in which he would reveal the names of all those from the parish who would die in the coming year; of course, the listener ran the risk of hearing his or her own name spoken. In another version of this belief, the curious were instructed to hide in the churchyard on Halloween night; at midnight they would witness a procession of all those in the parish who would die in the coming year, although any member of the procession who abruptly turned back indicated someone who would suffer a serious illness but recover. Welsh women also gathered in churches on Halloween, believing they could read fates there from flickering candle flames (50).
There is another enforced silence which Morton picks up in
the 1870s, when Halloween as we know it begins to form, mainly as an American
attempt to imitate British (and specifically Victorian) ritual. An 1870 article in Godey’s Lady’s Book described Halloween as a children’s party and “undoubtedly led to many copycat
parties among its readers” (65). Morton
cites corn-husking contests, apple juice, popcorn, doughnuts, pumpkin pie, and
scarecrows as American Halloween traditions from this period. By the 1890s, due in part to the popularity
of Washington Irving’s “Legend of Sleepy Hollow[2],”
pumpkins and jack-o’-lanterns began their indelible association with
Halloween.
I had some vague memories that Halloween in the first half
of the 20th century in the US was more about pranking than anything
else, and Morton seems to confirm this, the Halloween of 1933 being dubbed “Black
Halloween” for the amount of annoying and destructive pranking going on. Therefore, it seems unsurprising that civic
authorities across the US and Canada would create indoor Halloween celebrations
(parties, costume contests, window-decorating contests) from the 1920s on to
encourage troublesome teenage boys from destroying property. (Trick-or-treat, it seems, is in origin
Canadian, also from the 1920s.) All of
this makes me wish I’d spoken more to my grandmother about her Halloween
memories of the 1920s.
With some apparent gloom, Morton seems to note the
commercialization of Halloween in the 1950s when costumes went from being
simple and homemade to elaborate and store-bought. Nevertheless, I think Morton may be a
collector, for she is quite eloquent when describing Halloween noisemakers:
. . . the new noisemakers were mass-produced in metal and featured eye-popping graphics in vivid hues. Trick or treaters had the option of very loudly announcing their arrival at a house by shaking a rattle, banging on a tambourine, blowing a horn, squeezing a clicker, or cranking a ratchet. Carl B. Holmberg, an Associate Professor of Popular Culture at Bowling Green State University, has suggested that noisemakers provided children with ‘ritual empowerment’ by allowing them to produce the irritating loud sounds they were normally forbidden from making. Holmberg also indicates that the use of Halloween noisemakers faded as they were supplanted by ‘atmospheric’ sounds: that is, home-owners who began to include prerecorded sound effects and spooky music with their seasonal yard displays (86)[3].
In terms of child empowerment, Morton also cites (legend)
David J. Skal’s work on “Monster Culture” of the 1960s, the use of Dracula,
Frankenstein’s Monster, the Wolfman, and the Mummy as icons. Latterly, and with great conviction, Morton
shows the industry and creativity that have arisen in (mainly American) lawn
decorations for Halloween. (I admit when
I was in Albuquerque earlier this October I squeed at all the elaborate and
even plain Halloween yard decorations.)
The granddaddy of this phenomenon is Disney’s Haunted Mansion (for some
people, the ride itself is an object of true veneration and endless
study). (This is probably my favorite
Disney theme park ride, for perhaps obvious reasons.)
Then Morton seeks the globalization of Halloween. As noted
above, I believe Britain has a tentative relationship with the mostly
commercialized Halloween that American multinational businesses import. Worse yet is France’s relationship with the
holiday. However, Morton has uncovered
some interesting Breton All Saints’ Day traditions that underscore the sombre[4]. Elsewhere
in Europe, Halloween has made few in-roads; interestingly, in Ukraine the
pumpkin has a negative connotation. Hong
Kong and Japan have taken on aspects of celebrating Halloween, and Morton devotes
an entire chapter to the (mostly Mexican) celebration of Dia de los Muertos. In
recent times, this family celebration and commemoration of those who have
passed on has been seen elsewhere as the more mature and trendy relation of
Halloween (at least that the impression I get), but its origins, like Halloween’s,
are pagan (Aztec and Mayan)[5].
Morton does a good job describing the string of nonfictional
Halloween books springing up in late 19th century America, many of
them manuals on how to put on a children’s Halloween party. Morton describes the first serious survey of
the field, The Book of Hallowe’en, (1919)
with affection, but has nothing but condemnation for the factually fanciful and
portentously titled The Book of Hallowe’en,
Halloween Through Twenty Centuries (1950).
I was surprised to learn that it wasn’t until 1972 and Ray Bradbury’s The Halloween Tree that Halloween-themed
fiction began to appear; I was unaware that Halloween
(1978) was also the first film to create an international Halloween symbol.[6] Morton even has enough room to include one
page on Halloween-themed radio drama, including War of the Worlds (but not surprisingly is ignorant of the current
satellite audio drama obsession with Halloween releases). Nightmare
Before Christmas (1990) is given
considerable space (though for some reason I always considered it more of a
Christmas movie than Halloween!). Morton
quite rightly points out the lack of “canonical” 2D visual artwork depicting
this holiday, though she somewhat dampens her argument by including rich color
photographs of relevant advertisements, book covers, and other Halloween
ephemera throughout the text: folk art.
Morton is clearly a fan of Halloween, and, so far as I can
tell, she celebrates the form of Halloween that has always felt “right” to
me. She’s no Satanist (neither am I!),
and for me the object of Halloween is a safe space to play out unconventional
or “occult” (with the meaning that Merlin Coverley ascribes to that word,
occluded, hidden) emotions and behaviors that are not acceptable the rest of
the year. Morton summarizes it
thus:
In the 1960s, a veritable cult of urban legends built up around Halloween which suggested that innocent young children were at risk during the beloved ritual of trick or treat—although there were no recorded instances of real cases behind these modern myths. Over the next few decades, there were reports of anonymous psychos poisoning candy, costumed killers stalking college dorms on Halloween night and Satanic cults offering up sacrifices of black cats, and warnings of gangs initiating new members by committing murders on 31 October. It sometimes seems as though the prank-playing and mischeviousness that have been a key factor in Halloween celebrations for hundreds of years have crossed over and played tricks on its history.
“Some reverends, among others,” Morton notes, “have
countered [fundamentalist Christian groups’ calls for the abolishment of
Halloween] by suggesting that if Christians are to ban celebrations on the
basis of their pagan origins, they might want to start with Christmas and Easter”
(113).
Morton suggests—and I admit—that much of the Halloween
appeal for adults is nostalgia. She
quotes Dan and Pauline Campanelli, “Many of us seem to recall another Halloween
from another place and time. There seems
to be a Halloween from the innocence of our childhood, filled with candy corn
and jack-o’-lanterns . . .” (172). Morton’s
conclusion is therefore somewhat disappointing, given that it consists of a few
paragraphs before she launches straight into her References section. Nevertheless, the book, as a whole, is quite
strong.
[1] John
Stow, A Survey of London.
[2] As
Morton points out, that story isn’t even set in autumn. The 1980 TV movie version which I recently
rewatched faithfully sets the story in midwinter (presumably January or
February, after Christmas), and this works surprisingly well.
[3] Holmberg’s
article is taken from one of the few scholarly collections on Halloween, Halloween and Other Festivals of Death and
Life, edited by Jack Santino.
[4] Brittany
was the setting for Christine’s rendez-vous with the mysterious violinist in
the Perros-Guirec cemetery, followed by hanger-on Raoul, in Phantom of the Opera.
[5] Not all
of Central and South America celebrate Dia
de los Muertos. Halloween has a much
stronger foothold in Colombia, for example.
[6] Morton
rightly points out that Arsenic and Old
Lace (1944) is set during
Halloween and Meet Me in St. Louis (also
1944) has a wonderful Halloween
sequence.
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